Long Live the Wisdom of Sobukwe

How do I get Ryland Fisher to come visit this space and share some of his ideas and participate in some of the debates this space seek to promote? Ryland is a South African writer whom I discovered through the Sowetan newspaper. He also has the privilege of Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu write the foreword to his book, Race. The book sets out to deal with the issue of race in South Africa. I confess, I have not read the book but I intend to. From the excerpt reproduced in Sowetan, the book makes some valuable points, points worth pursuing. Archbishop Emeritus in fact invites all of us to read the book and then debate among ourselves.
The issue of race is one that has always fascinated me. I grew up in a small township called Ikageng near Tlokwe or Potchefstroom depending on which side of the De La Rey song fence you sit. There was in the true apartheid style a small township for coloureds and another for Indians. Except once or twice, to play football or visit with my mother, I did not go to the coloured township. You see, whenever darkie children went to the coloured township, the coloured children would attack and assault them and that, I did not like so I avoided that township. It was interesting that whenever coloured children came to our township the favour was never returned. Another memory I have from childhood relating to coloured-black relations is OK bazaars. I always enjoyed the trips to town with my parents and other older members of my large family. I noticed even at the young age that all the cashiers and other floor attendants were coloured people. The cashiers were either white or coloured ladies; those sweeping or mopping the floors were black women; those carrying boxes and packing the shelves were black men. My dad worked for OK, packing the toiletries’ shelf. My view of coloured people was never positive with exceptions of course; like Leon, we made alter-boys together; and the Drifts, family friends.
All this was turned on its head when I got to the University of Cape Town. The coloured people I met there were more radical than me. I will never forget the funeral of Colleen and her comrade whose name I am ashamed I cannot remember. There is a part of me that thinks his name was Robert. My time in Cape Town opened my eyes to coloured people like I had never seen before – they were poor, they worked the menial jobs, they asked me for food, most importantly they were involved in the struggle. I so wished that they would go back home and teach those coloured folks that they are being duped by the white man. I was in high spirits about my fellow black people until I got lost driving around Heideveld or some such place and I stopped to ask an elderly gentleman how to get back to campus. He was very patient with me and did give me directions back to campus. In between all of that he told me that I would have to drive through “there where the kaffirs live man”. And then there were those uncomfortable conversations during which I was told by a well-meaning fellow student from Mitchell’s Plain that he has always had black friends.
The project undertaken by Ryland is not an easy one. It is one that has to be taken on though. I am not sure that I am completely on the same page as Ryland on the reference to black people as Africans. This is how he distinguishes between darkies and other blacks so to speak. I have always jokingly said that everyone knew who black people were and there was general consensus among South Africans who these blacks were. That was the case until FW De Klerk started campaigning for votes in the Cape. He distinguished between the coloureds and blacks and we let him. Things have never been the same since. Where is the wisdom of Prof. Mangaliso Sobukwe when one desperately needs it? I can appreciate how the distinction may work as between Indians and Africans, it does however breakdown when it is applied between Coloureds and Africans. Coloureds (the term I shall use until we find some consensus on what other term to use) are not from any other place but this here Africa – therefore no less African than all other Africans. The only basis for the term Coloured is as distinction between two groups of lesser beings – lesser than the whites, that is. You take the need for this distinction away then we is all African, the distinction serve no purpose. The term “Black” was concocted for the same reason. To designate a class of human beings who will not be entitled, by virtue of their blackness, to the basic amenities of life, like running water. This term was during the 70’s positively appropriated by among others Bantu Biko. Then followed (or did it come before) “black is beautiful”, “black power” and so on and so forth. Given this background, is it not time we lost “black”, “coloured”, “indian” and “white”, and to replace them with good old African? Prof has long time ago seen through the minefield of the nomenclature of racism and oppression and focused on the most important people - the Africans.

Afrika can and Should

The 25th of May is Africa Day. It is the day on which the formation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) is commemorated, even with the advent of the African Unity (AU), it remains so.
I have not seen much of the Africa Day where I live. Thanks to television and other media I have learned of celebrations, lectures, movies and other events taking place in and around the big cities of our country. All in all, Africa Day was very quiet and where I live it was pretty much not an event at all. This is not surprising as Africa itself does not really matter in the greater scheme of things and hasn’t for a very long time. Africa does not even seem to matter to itself, its people. From the news reports and declarations it seems that there is a common vision about and for Africa among the African leadership. That is a comforting thought - until one looks toward Zimbabwe. Is there a common vision among African leaders about Zimbabwe? Should there be a common vision about this or any other country in Africa? I don’t know the answer, what I do know is that there should be a common vision about the people. Health for the people, food for the people, shelter for the people – schools for the children!
You probably have heard this before; written or broadcast on some platform that pretty much had nothing to do with Africa other than location. The summary of the reports and opinion I have experienced on Zimbabwe and similarly positioned African countries is that Africans make decisions out of IGNORANCE or FEAR. If you want to have your way with Africans, either dupe them or scare the living whatever out of them. Chop limbs in Sierra Leon, ban and imprison in Zimbabwe, apply your version of the law in Nigeria, conference on leadership and succession in South Africa. It does seem to be the case, doesn’t it? It seems that the defence and strengthening of one position or point of view can only follow from the brutal annihilation of all other points of view or thoughts. Simply put, beating up those who disagree with you to teach them never to disagree with you again.
There is even more that can be said about the current trend in South Africa to protest, violently, against unpopular decisions. Enough has been said about this too. What I have not come across is a concerted effort by Africans to reverse the negative trends. The atrocities of our continent have become normal, life carries on despite all manner of disturbing events. What African values can one rely on to deal with the current scourge? Whether the human rights issues in Zimbabwe, strife in the Sudan or protests in South Africa? I was raised to believe that being selfish is one character that had no place among Africans. I was taught that my right/privilege to be human and receive all the benefits of being human is not only related but is dependant on others enjoying the selfsame right/privilege. For me to have a meal should never mean that another should go hungry. For my political thoughts or traditions to be adhered to should not mean the total destruction of those who hold a different view. In fact, some thoughts and traditions may be more attractive than others albeit from the same organization. The protests in South Africa demonstrate the opposite. By the way, since when did the right to protest include the “right to bear arms” and other objects of intimidation and threat? The labour movement of the 80’s understood the meaning of peaceful protest; this is the reason, I would argue, that it was no problem for such right to be in our constitution without qualification, other than the limitation all rights are subject to. When did the right to strike become the right to impose an obligation to strike on others who rightly or wrongly do not want to strike or protest? The duty not to be selfish not only applies to the “workers” but to the “bosses” too. It is most striking that the professional class, clad in the workers’ red has been the one most guilty of the do not be selfish code. The notion of the workers’ struggle versus capital is one that is well developed and goes back to the beginning of the industrialisation era. I find it very hard to refer to teachers specifically as “workers” in the Marxian sense. This is separate from whether or not teachers are paid properly, adequately, competitively, etc. It is also separate from the question of whether or not the teachers have a right to have their demands heard or even the right to protest. It is the right to strike that I find troubling. The health sector of course raise a whole new debate about the right to life or death depending on where you stand or lie.
The professionals have to find a way and the authorities have to create the conditions for disputes to be resolved without the need to condemn the African child to an even more dire future. I could not help but equate the teachers’ strike to a hostage situation. Something akin to “if you want your child back [in class] give me 10% increase”! Personally I would have been more comfortable with the normal workers’ demand of if you want me back at work pay me whatever percentage. There are however other African children who despite of the strike continue to get an education; these are the African children who will more likely than not be the employers of the other African children who are not only being denied an education but in some instances actively prevented from going to school. And so the middle class will reproduce itself at the expense of the working class with a little help from the professional class. This unless we are a little less selfish – all of us. With some luck and honest, frank, selfless debate and conversation, the next Africa day, will bring pride and hope for the African and the African children.

Protesting ourselves into destruction . . .

I remember the days of the struggle with pride and fondly for that matter. It is quite satisfying that feeling of "come get me here I stand" that "detention or death - victory is certain" chant as we pounded our chest and stomped our feet. The most effective of the protests were always the ones that were dignified, calm and resolute. These are the marches that were led by strict and caring leadership. Remember the mass democratic movement march to the Strand to reclaim the whites only beaches? Desmond Tutu, among other leaders was there in his purple dress, on the beach - go figure. Protest on that day was constituted by people spreading towels on the beach, lying down to catch a tan, playing beach volleyball, walking or otherwise getting up to all sorts of things normal folk gets up to on the beach. There was no confrontation with the white folk who were there on the beach, there was an air of peace and merriment - until the police arrived that is. Even then, the protest ended peacefully as peaceful can be those good old days.

These days we protest to destroy, not as in the old days to register our grievances or demands. Please do not get me wrong, the good old days had their fair share of destructive protest. Take the "brave" actions of the people of Khutsong, a township on the outskirts of Carletonville, some 50 kilometres west of Johannesburg. Their protest is constituted by destruction of fellow residents property and of the commonly owned property such as roads and other amenities. Whether protest is the appropriate response given their situation is a question I would love to get an answer to - it is akin to a strike by teachers as a response to their remuneration and conditions of service issues (more about the teachers claiming to be workers, in the Marxian sense, in the future).

The latest I heard from one of the leaders of the people of Khutsong was that their lawyers were preparing papers for an application to court with the view of stopping their incorporation into the North-West province. According to the residents of Khutsong, being part of the North-West province would mean poor service delivery, continued poverty, unemployment and generally a worse life for all, in Khutsong that is. I have not come accross any information that would allow a comparison of service delivery by the Gauteng province to the people Khutsong and, service delivery by the North-West to the people of any nearby North-West town. There are however some report cards and all manner of statistics that indicates performances or lack thereof among various provincial government departments and local governments. The kindest conclusion one can reach regarding local government is that the performance of all of them could get better. There are all manner of problems regarding township governance, service delivery and development generally. At a certain level most of these cannot be helped due to capacity issues and the legacy townships as an urban planning strategy come with.

By now you realise and would concede that we have problems and that we need solutions and we need solutions fast - but burning the mayors house? The mayor of Khutsong has a proud history of the struggle and protest himself, he surely has had cause to reflect on that history lately. Even in my youth and so-called struggle days, when my comrades accused me and many others of being spies for the "system" - I could never understand how the burning the local library (the only one) and the local clinic (the only one) was ever going to make the authorities sit up and listen. I am swimming against historic tide here because somehow the authorities seem to have come to their senses somehow. We have committed some attrocities against our own to get here; or some attrocities were perpetrated by us against our own on the way here. Some people may believe that it is this violence, these attrocities committed against ourselves and our own that got us here, rather than the disciplined marches and peaceful protests. Yes, we have history, we have problems but for heaven's sake we now have children and we need to leave them something!

We have the right to protest, we have the right to freedom of expression and to the promotion of our views. We have the right to engage in social and political debate about matter that affects our lives, the right to refuse to be incorporated into the North-West. Most importantly, we have a duty to allow those who wish not to be part of the protest to bloody well go on about their business without the risk of loss of life or limb. The government have a job of running this country, the courts are there to watch that it is done right. The people of Khutsong say they have made application to court seeking relief, asking for help; in the meantime they will destroy Khutsong and most importantly, the lives of its residents, all in the name of protest. They are not the only ones on this bandwagon, and as with that real real life drama - "the band plays on", people die, lives are destroyed, legacies decimated - all in the name of protest. Protest that may be coming to your neighbourhood too - unless we find another way that is.

Welcome to Afro-I-Can

There is enough media around that speaks to the failures of Africa and Africans. This seeks to be a little corner that speaks to and about the triumphs. In the world that I hope for, it would not be necessary to start with some conceptual framework and glossary of terms. In that world, people would read with honesty and open minds - no agendas, hidden or otherwise. While we wait for that world let us agree on some terms and the meaning we would like to attribute to them in this space (this is not compulsory though), this will primarily be the meaning I have in mind when I use these terms.

An African is a reference to a person who lives in Africa and accepts the political rule by the majority, it is not meant to be anything but denotative. This meaning of the term African is borrowed from the writings and teachings of one Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe (more about him later).

This space does not set out to counter or oppose other media (of any kind) or contributions that may be made on this space, that speaks to and of African failure. This space hopes to be a forum for open debate on matters ranging from xenophobia to the question of the united states of Africa (hopefully primarily by African including the diaspora). In moving this contribution forward I ask that we look back to the 20 years between the 60's and 80's. I ask that we specifically look towards the southern most country of the continent during this 20 year period.

This is the time in history and a place on the continent where had we been alive and old enough we would have come accross Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe. I wish to start with this giant of a man for a variety of reasons chief of which being his gradual fading from the South African contemporary history. There are various publications that one could get in order to read about Prof, as he was reportedly fondly referred to by his friends. The most current of the publications that I would recomend is titled "How can man die better - the life of Robert Sobukwe" a book by Benjamin Pogrund. When Sobukwe passed on I was only 10 years old so I do not pretend to speak with any authority of his life and work.

I invite contributions from those who knew the man or of the man in order to preserve this legacy. It is the legacy similar to that of Patrice Lumumba (more about him in the future).

In brief: Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe was the founder member and President of the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), one of many liberation organisations during the struggle of South Africans against apartheid and all that it stood for. A lot can be said about the break away from the African National Congress by what became the PAC and I hope this debate will be taken forward on this space. I would however wish to share my thoughts, for what they are worth, on one of the life altering dates of Sobukwe's life and indeed of South Africans - 21 March 1960. On this day members of the PAC and members of the community of Sharpeville (various actions in other townships also took place) and surrounding areas went to the Sharpeville police station to hand themselves over to be arrested. A little bit of context may be useful at this point I believe. Sharpeville is a township (equivalent of a ghetto) on the outskirts of Vereeniging, a town along the banks of the Vaal river some 40 minutes (give or take) south of Johannesburg. 1960 was around the time when the apartheid government heightened repression and was more brutal than before in dealing with protests, which protests were also on the increase. It was also a time in the history of South Africa that black people (men more than women, cause women were not even allowed in the urban areas except in small numbers), were forced to carry what was then referred to as a pass or reference book. This was a crude identity document which among others would be endorsed to allow the bearer to be in a particular magesterial district of South Africa; it also contained details of the bearer's employer since being employed in an urban area was the only legally recognised reason for a black South African to be in an urban area. Black people were not to venture anywhere without this pass and failure to produce it when demanded by the police would result in immediate imprisonment. The so-called dompas (dumb pass) shackled black people, reducing them to prisoners in their own country. It was as a result of this and other oppressive measures of the then government that as a form of protest the passes would be burned and people would hand themselves over to be arrested for failure to have a pass on their person as was required by law. There are various versions of what happened on the day, however by the end of that day some 69 people were killed and almost 200 were injured, all shot by the police. Shortly thereafter scores of people were arrested including Sobukwe, it was a turning point in the struggle against apartheid and the beginning of lengthy prison sentences for scores of the leaders of the broader anti-apartheid movement. It was the beginning of immerssion of the South African society into a cesspit of violance culminating in the state of emergency, wanton murder and destruction. This day came to be known as Sharpeville Day and to me, so it shall remain.

Today March 21st is referred to and it is listed among official public holidays as Human Rights Day. Any other day could have been named human rights day; the day on which the congress of the people adopted the Freedom Charter could have in my view more appropriately been named as such. The events of 21 March 1960 should never be re-written even for the most reconciliatory of objectives. These events are the beacons which we hope will guide future powers that-be away from similar atrocities. In this space, every 21 March we will remember Sharpeville Day, for our children.